Replicate plan Colombia to subvert narcoterrorists

Op-ed views and opinions expressed are solely those of the author.

First Purge False Friends from Joint Military Operations

Donald Trump’s and Joe Biden’s policies are at odds in Guatemala. Support for the rule of law, which means removing President Bernardo Arévalo, is pivotal for the America-first agenda.

The Trump administration wants Guatemala to work jointly with the US military against narcoterrorists. However, this traps Arévalo because he has kept the nation’s territory open for narcotics transit, which fits the agenda of the Biden regime and the Soles Cartel.

Arévalo has given false excuses to justify his resistance to working with the US War Department. Arévalo wants to have his cake and eat it too, though, and has issued a fawning public statement about bilateral cooperation.

The 2025 National Security Strategy makes the Western Hemisphere a core national security priority. It calls for greater military involvement against Transnational Criminal Organizations (TCOs). The Americas Counter-Cartel Coalition—AKA the Shield of the Americas—emphasizes hemispheric armed forces collaboration against cartels under SOUTHCOM leadership. The 2026 National Drug Control Strategy—calling the drug crisis a national security emergency—integrates military tools in a global campaign against TCOs and Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTOs).

Democrats, their media partners, and other opponents of Trump view counternarcotics as a law enforcement issue traditionally carried out by the Justice Department and DEA. This is why these efforts overseas have stood little chance of success.

Criminal cartels engaged in narcotrafficking possess modern military equipment and have former special-forces soldiers as fighters. Police are not trained or equipped to confront the cartels. Furthermore, military discipline is more rigorous than police discipline, which is more vulnerable to infiltration by TCO/FTOs.

While military force is indispensable to counter today’s criminal cartels, a law enforcement component is necessary. It must consist of specially vetted and trained personnel for effective coordination and joint operations with military forces. Examining the State Department’s Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Bureau (INL) provides insights into this balance and how to readjust it.

Working with the army and police, the INL airwing was a critical component of Plan Colombia. It substantially degraded the narcoterrorist FARC between 2000 and 2008. The army provided security for the police, which handled law enforcement functions.

After the 2016 peace accords with the FARC, the United States moved away from the successful policies of Plan Colombia. Colombia regained its position as the world’s top cocaine producer about a year later.

At present, 5 percent of INL funds in Colombia go to the army and 95 percent to the police. Colombian cocaine production nearly doubled from 2022 to 2024.

Helicopters are critical to counternarcotics operations in Colombia and Guatemala because of the difficult terrain. US helicopters donated to Guatemala in 2013 were grounded in 2016 for safety reasons. Since then, helicopters have not been part of INL operations there.

The Trump administration must use INL as part of its efforts in Guatemala, and INL must operate under similar rules of engagement to those of Plan Colombia. As such, this must include helicopters.

Arévalo reportedly agreed in a May 19 conversation with War Secretary Pete Hegseth to joint US-Guatemala military operations. Arévalo later said he lacked such authority and would not seek it from Guatemala’s Congress. Such authority with the president has existed for more than 20 years.

Arévalo said his June 4 meeting with SOUTHCOM commander General Francis Donovan had strengthened bilateral efforts against narcotrafficking. This fawning flip-flop is because Arévalo, knowing that he is illegally in office, fears that Trump will insist that Guatemala apply its laws.

Arévalo’s allies in the United States—Democrats, legacy media, government personnel, and NGOs—are working to defeat Trump’s nominee for US ambassador to Guatemala. They fear a political appointee loyal to Trump will push Guatemalans to apply their laws.

Arévalo and his comrades know what US power can do. Without the Biden regime’s abuse of it, Arévalo would not have become president and remained in office until now.

A recently retired high-ranking Guatemalan military commander has shared with me that Arévalo, Defense Minister Henry Sáenz, and Interior Minister Marco Villeda are committed to the cartels. The officer, who requested anonymity, says those three “keep the routes open that the cartels use to transport narcotics through Guatemala to their Mexican partners. The June 8, 2025, La Mesilla incident was part of this.”

Arévalo is hoping he can accommodate Trump superficially and remain in power. Like the Iranian regime, Arévalo will continue his anti-US activities so long as he remains in power.

Guatemala’s military is professional and would quickly adapt to what Trump wants if it had proper leadership. The Trump administration will gain an illusory victory if it believes the lie that Arévalo will accommodate US interests.

One reason police must participate in counternarcotics operations is to be consistent with the law. With the proper application of law, which US policy can promote, Guatemalans would have physical and legal security that would promote prosperity. That would produce a solid ally and greatly contribute to the America-first agenda.

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Steve Hecht

Steve Hecht is a businessman, writer, and film producer, born and raised in New York. He has lived and worked in Guatemala since 1972. He holds a Bachelor of Arts in Economics and a Master of Business Administration in Banking and Finance, both from Columbia University.